The United Nations
has defined the status of women in the context of their access to
knowledge, economic resources, and political power, as well as their
personal autonomy in the process of decision making. When Nepalese
women's status is analyzed in this light, the picture is generally
bleak. In the early 1990s, Nepal was a rigidly patriarchical society.
In virtually every aspect of life, women were generally subordinate
to men.
Women's relative
status, however, varied from one ethnic group to another. The status
of women in Tibeto-Nepalese communities generally, was relatively
better than that of Pahari and Newari women. Women from the low caste
groups also enjoyed relatively more autonomy and freedom than Pahari
and Newari women.
The senior female
member played a commanding role within the family by controlling resources,
making crucial planting and harvesting decisions, and determining
the expenses and budget allocations. Yet women's lives remained centered
on their traditional roles--taking care of most household chores,
fetching water and animal fodder, and doing farm work. Their standing
in society was mostly contingent on their husbands' and parents' social
and economic positions. They had limited access to markets, productive
services, education, health care, and local government. Malnutrition
and poverty hit women hardest. Female children usually were given
less food than male children, especially when the family experienced
food shortages. Women usually worked harder and longer than men. By
contrast, women from high-class families had maids to take care of
most household chores and other menial work and thus worked far less
than men or women in lower socioeconomic groups.
The economic
contribution of women was substantial, but largely unnoticed because
their traditional role was taken for granted. When employed, their
wages normally were 25 percent less than those paid to men. In most
rural areas, their employment outside the household generally was
limited to planting, weeding, and harvesting. In urban areas, they
were employed in domestic and traditional jobs, as well as in the
government sector, mostly in low-level positions.
One tangible
measure of women's status was their educational attainment. Although
the constitution offers women equal educational opportunities, many
social, economic, and cultural factors contributed to lower enrollment
and higher dropout rates for girls. Illiteracy imposed the greatest
hindrance to enhancing equal opportunity and status for women. They
were caught in a vicious circle imposed by the patriarchical society.
Their lower status hindered their education, and the lack of education,
in turn, constricted their status and position. Although the female
literacy rate has improved noticeably over the years, the level in
the early 1990s fell far short of the male level.
The level of
educational attainment among female children of wealthy and educated
families was much higher than that among female children of poor families.
This class disparity in educational attainment was also true for boys.
In Nepal, as in many societies, education was heavily class-biased
.
In the early
1990s, a direct correlation existed between the level of education
and status. Educated women had access to relatively high-status positions
in the government and private service sectors, and they had a much
higher status than uneducated women. This general rule was more applicable
at the societal level than at the household level. Within the family,
an educated woman did not necessarily hold a higher status than her
uneducated counterpart. Also within the family, a woman's status,
especially a daughter-in-law's status, was more closely tied to her
husband's authority and to her parental family's wealth and status
than anything else.